doi 10.4067/S0718-83582015000200002

Social housing and survival skills.appropriate solutions provided by a case study (Resistencia, Argentina, 2013)¹

Miguel Ángel Barreto², María Andrea Benítez³, María Laura Puntel⁴.

2 Argentina. Architect, MSc and PhD in Social Anthropology. Independent researcher at CONICET and professor at the Faculty of Architecture and Urban Planning, Northeast National University.

3 Argentina. Architect, MSc in Epistemology and Methodology of Scientific Research. Researcher and assistant professor at the Northeast National University. Head of the Institute of Research and Development in Housing (IIDVI) at the Faculty of Architecture and Urban Planning, Northeast National University.

4 Argentina. Fellowship student at Institute of Research and Development in Housing (IIDVI), Faculty of Architecture and Urban Planning, Northeast National University.

Abstract

In Argentina housing solutions do not properly meet the needs of low-income households that use social housing both as a dwelling and for the development of informal economic activities necessary for their survival. Households in these conditions transform the public housing into domestic units of production and reproduction of life, with consequent negative effects on living conditions and the quality of life of these homes. This paper analyzes this issue from a comprehensive and complex approach to habitat by investigating a case study in the city of Resistencia (Argentina). The aim of this research is to generate contributions that may influence public housing policies and provide appropriate solutions for the achievement of decent housing.

KEYWORDS: SOCIAL HOUSING; SURVIVAL SKILLS; COMPREHENSIVE SOLUTIONS

Social Housing And Survival Skills

An important segment of low-income households located in the deteriorated peri-urban areas of a large number of Argentinian cities use their housing units both as a dwelling and for the development of economic activities such as trade or the provision of goods and services. These activities also include; the sale of food, fruits and vegetables, the operation of small repair shops and manufacturers and the development of small-farming businesses, among others, thus turning the housing unit into a system of production and reproduction.

These social practices are associated with the concept of “informal economy” — developed by the International Labor Organization (ILO)⁵ — and the concept of “popular economy”—explored by authors such as Coraggio⁶ —, the latter being described as a type of economy that is not governed by the logic of capital but by the logic of labor and the simple reproduction of life. Such a concept is somewhat detached from capital-related rules and conventions and is represented by the dwellings and their close relationship with the place of residence and the notion of housing.⁷

These widespread social practices are based on the role played by labor and social integration in the current capitalist-based economy, most notably in countries where informal economy and popular economy have an important share of total economic activity. According to Portes and other authors who share a structuralist approach, the informal sector of the current capitalist economy is closely related and subordinate to formal economy.⁸ This allows us to explain why economic growth does not necessarily contribute to reduce informal economy and why governments are required to implement active mitigating policies.⁹

Bertranou and Casanova¹⁰ —who have recently conducted an ILO-commissioned research on labor informality in Argentina— suggest that policies pursued over the 2003-2012 period have considerably reduced informal economy. These measures, apart from containing the growth of informal labor, contributed to the creation of higher-quality jobs and improved the indicators of social inclusion and income distribution. However, it was revealed that 30 percent of paid workers are still not enrolled in the social security system; such a figure rises to 58 percent in the case of self-employed workers. This means that despite the achievements made over the last years, informal labor remains at very high levels.

While there is a large number of informal jobs that transcend the domestic sphere —illegal workshops, streets—, an important part of these activities —especially in the field of popular economy— is carried out in low-income dwellings. This is because there is a significant correlation between precarious and home-based jobs —independently if individuals are paid or self-employed workers.¹¹

On the other hand there is a complex and multidimensional relationship between formal and informal aspects within the context of the current capitalist economy. This means that household members are involved in both spheres of activity as they are engaged in formal low-paying jobs —thus receiving social security— and carry out home-based activities in order to earn extra income. This is why these practices are known as “survival skills”. According to Cariola¹², these skills are composed of the different practices developed by household members, which are intended to ensure the material reproduction of the housing unit. In this line Hintzeuses the term “reproduction strategies” to refer to those (consciously or unconsciously-driven) strategies that low-income households use to meet their needs; these tactics:

“Generate or select different satisfiers to achieve reproductive goals through the combination of possibilities within the context of the activities related to other social actors”. (In this way) “strategies emerge through successive processes in which household units establish different relationships at different spheres, such as: a) internal (division of labor at household level according to gender, age and income-generating activities); b) multi-family; c) market-related; d) the civil society; and e) the State”.¹³

However, ignoring the impact that these activities have, they are not recognized by the Argentinian housing policy system since housing is regarded as a unit intended exclusively for dwelling purposes. Home-based businesses and activities that significantly modify the housing unit are excluded as they may affect the habitability conditions of low-income areas included in housing policy programs.

This idea of housing as being exclusively to live in was put forward by the modernist movement in architecture, through the contributions of figures such as Le Corbusier, which later became adopted throughout the world.Le Corbusier championed the distinction between labor and dwelling as the model for the organization of cities into functional areas. Such a model, whichinvolved a strict separation between residential and business spaces¹⁴, was historically and uncritically adopted by the Argentinian housing policy system.

From the 90s onwards the Argentinian housing policy system, influenced by the deep criticism leveled by Lefebvre¹⁵ and Jacob¹⁶ against modern conceptions, revised aspects related to housing density, the size of housing developments, urban planning, the different forms of collective housing and the quality of dwellings.¹⁷ However, despite that housing policies began to focus on low-income segments with the so-called “Federal Housing Policy”¹⁸ —implemented in 2003—, the concept of housing as a dwelling unit remains a strong and unquestionable paradigm.

The concept of habitability refers to the characteristics required by a dwelling in order to become suitable for habitation. According to Salas basic habitability is associated with a series of amenities that ensure the satisfaction of the basic habitation needs of people. These needs should be oriented towards the achievement of minimum living requirements;not only those that concern the shelter of the home, but also public space, infrastructure and the elemental services that provide the proper environment for vital reproduction.¹⁹.

There is research that focuses on the quality and integrity of housing solutions aimed at low-income segments and suggests the term “decent housing” as the goal that should be achieved by all housing policies. Such a notion refers to the concept of decent or adequate housing developed by the UN²⁰, which is recognized in different national constitutions.²¹ However, this concept is expected to offer a more comprehensive vision of habitat with the inclusion offactors associated with the provision of minimum quality of life standards at household level —in compliance with human rights standards.²²This concept, apart from including basic housing conditions, also involves neighborhood aspects, the relationship with the city and the different factors that create bonds between households and the society: secure tenure; access to decent work and the different economic resources required for an adequate reproduction of life; social security and access to healthcare and education; engagement in social life and politics; a positive social identity and different possibilities for the development of leisure and cultural activities, among others.²³

The objective of this paper is to analyze, through a case study (focused on the neighborhood of Don Bosco, Resistencia, Argentina), the modifications made to the social housing units provided by the State to low-income segments within the framework of social security and survival economy. This research is also intended to contribute conceptual approaches and guidelines for the development of comprehensive housing policies.

Field research was conducted between June and December, 2013, through different visits to the selected neighborhood. The methodology used by this paper combined the analysis of primary and secondary data.
The initial theoretical research enabled the elaboration of the observable elements of this paper, which in turn served as the basis for the creation of recording and analysis instruments. These instruments were used for the study of the survival economy activities developed in the new housing units provided by the State and the effects of such a practice on the residential and habitability functions of dwellings. The goal is to draw conclusions and contribute to the provision of comprehensive solutions to the real needs of those involved.

Primary data was collected through participant and non-participant observations and semi-structured interviews with a group of neighbors from Don Bosco; this group was selected on the basis of a non-probabilistic sample developed according to ethnographic elements and the diversity of productive activities.²⁴ Non-participant observations involved the recording of the different types of home-based economic activities; the spaces where these activities take place (at home, in the area outside the house or in the public space); the number and extent to which these spaces are affected by such activities; the impact and degree of adaptation of these activities in relation to the residential function of dwellings; the modifications made to conduct these economic activities and the effects of such activities on neighboring dwellings.

The interviews conducted during this research explored the number of household members who are engaged in labor activities and the kind of work they perform. Respondents were also asked about the comfort level of their dwellings in relation to the residential function of housing and the home-based activities they performed; what features of their dwellings they would like to change and how they would like their housing to look; how and where they develop their activities; how many spaces they use for labor purposes; the items they need to perform their activities; the places where they develop other type of activities; and the relationship with their neighbors within the context of the activities they perform, among others.

This research seeks to interpret the meanings given by respondents to their practices and experiences; the results of such an exercise are complemented with graphic depictions of the living and housing conditions of dwellings. As for data processing this paper uses the discourse analysis technique, which is based on the summary of the most important aspects mentioned during the interviews —such as those related to survival skills and the subsequent modification of the housing unit.

The analysis of secondary data involved the review of the housing program and graphic documents related to urban projects and housing units. Such an analysis considered the regulatorycharacteristics of this program, the possibilities for the enhancement of dwellings and the information provided to users in relation to the expansion and modification of housing units. The interpretation of graphic data was conducted through the use spatial analysis methods.

Case Study: The Neighborhood of Don Bosco (Resistencia, Chaco)

Don Bosco is located in the northeast area of the city of Resistencia, Chaco Province (Argentina), near Rio Negro (figure 1). This is an environmental area composed of lakes and meanders and is characterized by a strong social fragmentation, which is generated by the proximity of neighborhoods of different social strata. There is an important percentage of low-income population who live in informal settlements; however, this area also includes public neighborhoods, traditional middle-class neighborhoods and upper middle-class neighborhoods. There is almost no contact among these zones.

Figure 1. Location of the new housing complex in Don Bosco

Source: Elaborated by the authors based on data retrieved from the SPSP

Don Bosco is an informal settlement that had some ofits houses relocated as the result of draining and cleaning works in the area. These projects are part of the construction of a housing development within the context of the Urban Flood Prevention and Drainage Project (UFPDP). Such an initiative is promoting the implementation of structural works within the area in order to prevent and mitigate flooding hazards. The UFPDP is in charge of implementing structural and non-structural measures. In this sense, while the former measures are related to urban and peri-urban drainage issues —which involved the forced displacement of people for the development of improvement works—, the latter initiatives are associated with the implementation of the housing sub-program in charge of the construction of a housing development in Don Bosco. The aim of this sub-program is to resettle those informal settlements located in lands suitable for the construction and operation of structural works and offer an optional resettlement to those households located in areas prone to water-related hazards. The World Bank funds these projects and the provincial body in charge of managing these programs is the Subcommittee on Projects and Special Programs (SPSP) at the Chaco Province Government.

This housing project involved the construction of 207 basic housing units, which were built over an area of 9x18 meters intended for families up to 4-5 members.Seventy-eight of these dwellings were delivered in 2013 and the remaining 129 units in 2014. These dwellings are available in one, two or three bedroom options according to the composition of families, which was determined by a census conducted by this housing Program. All units are equipped with a living/dining room, a bathroom, a washing place and an outer hall. Each of these dwellings has a mono-pitched roof in order to make it possible for one and twobedroom homes to evolve into a three-bedroom dwelling (figure 2). These units were built of exposed brick and wood, equipped with sheet-metal roofs and basic services such as drinking water, electricity and sewage systems. As for public spaces, there are unpaved roads with open storm water drainage systems and sidewalks are 60 cm wide. However, while the design of these units enabledthe expansion of dwellings in quantitative terms, there were no qualitative considerations as for the function of these new spaces.

Figure 2: Expansion in the number of bedrooms allowed for one and two bedroom dwellings

Source: SPSP

The Impact of Survival Activities on Dwellings

Partially launched in 2013, the social housing complex located in Don Boscohas been used both for residential use and for the development of survival economic activities. Such a duality has been identified in 20 out of the first 78 units delivered by the State. These home-based activities include the operation of small-farming businesses, repair shops, carpentry services, hardware stores, food trade, sale of fruits and vegetables, seamstressing, hairdressing salons and delicatessens²⁵, among others. Such activities are informal in nature, since they are not registered, nor are they regulated by the municipality and affect in varying degrees the residential function of the host and neighboring dwellings:

- In the case of the trade of food, modifications range from the alteration of one of the spaces of the dwelling —most notably the living/dining room and bedrooms— to the expansion and construction of a dedicated physical space. In each of these cases, and mostly owing to lack of space or safety reasons, consumers do not enter into the dwelling and are attended to either through a window or a door. Occasionally, as in the case of the sale of fruits and vegetables, all products are displayed outside the housing unit. These activities affect the comfort level of dwellings and have almost no effects on neighboring houses and public spaces. However, sidewalks are sometimes blocked by these products (figure 3).

Figure 3. Pictures of some home-based productive activities

Source: Elaborated by the authors

- Work animals, mostly horses —which are generally used to pull loading carriages, collect and recycle urban waste, provide freighting services, at the handmade brickworks or simply as a mean of transportation— , are bred in the area outside the housing unit, most notably in courtyards. Such a space is turned into an enclosure made of precarious brick walls or fences. In some occasions, huts or small sheds are poorly constructed next to the housing unit. These activities have a greater impact on the residential use of host and neighboring dwellings and public spaces due to the strong odor generated by the animal waste and residuesleft in courtyards or in front of the buildings (figure 3).

- In the case of motorbike or bicycle repair shops or carpentry services, courtyards are partially or completely covered over with precarious roofs. These activities have an important impact on the residential use of host and neighboring dwellings and public spaces due to noise and gas emissions and obstruction of the sidewalk. In some cases, the presence of the abovementioned roofs reduces natural illumination and ventilation, thus affecting the comfort level of dwellings.

There follows four different cases intended illustrate and to expand on this analysis:

A Delicatessen Business

This is the case of a family that established a home-based delicatessen business. Upon receiving the new dwelling, this family saw an opportunity to embark on a micro-business venture. The idea was to continue in the line of business in which the father of the family had workedfor over 30 years in different restaurants in the city, but this time for himself. A veteran from thewar in the South Atlantic (1982), this householder is in receipt of a State pension and performs this new activity in order to augment formal household income.

At the beginning, the new dwelling underwent functional alterations and the family began selling fruits and vegetables in the unoccupied space of the housing unit —which was originally intended for a garage— and offering cooking services in both the kitchen and the living/dining room. This meant that most of the intended social area of the dwelling was required to run these two businesses. A few months later the family decided to set up a delicatessen business and expanded the housing unit by building a small store in the access hall (figure 4). As a result one of the bedrooms was left without a window, thus generating ventilation and illumination issues. This family intends to continue expanding this store until reaching the municipal limit. As the householder explained:

Figure 4. The impact of the delicatessen business on residential functions

Source: Elaborated by the authors

“… We had a thought when we visited this dwelling, we said lets set up a food business and we made it happen…”

“… Before we used to do everything in the dining room; we cooked, sold and we had our vegetables outside the house but later we decided to expand the store. We closed the outer hall and left a space for a window. I always worked in restaurants, for 30 years, but I’m tired of working for employers and said that one day I would have my own business…”

“We would like to extend a little bit because I have my files there; anyway, we manage ourselves to work in this space but it is very small, I would like to extend this house… “

A Food Trade Business

This is the case of a family that had already runa home-based business in a precarious place of residence prior to moving into these new housing units. This family was provided with a three-bedroom dwelling located in the corner of a street, which allowed them to concentrate onthe development of a business in a single bedroom. The only thing they had to do was to open the window of this bedroom —which is oriented towards a side street—, install an awning and build some steps in order to allow customers to reach this window and protect them against weather while making their purchases (see figure 5). The major concern for this family is associated with the need to divide labor and residential functions, since such a business involves the participation of the living/dining room and the kitchen. As the householder says:

Figure 5. The impact of food trade on residential functions

Source: Elaborated by the authors

“… We are using one of the bedrooms and there is no problem with that, the issue is that at the moment I have to take everything through here (living room), I want to take out the window and put a door there in the corner and then I would manage everything through the door of the shop … “

“… I cannot make more modifications because there is no more room, all the drawers are dismantled and I cannot move these items to the living room as my motorcycle is there, I have no more space; I would like to close this area and relocate both the kitchen and the living/dining room… “

It is interesting to note the rationality behind the use of the dwelling on the part of the householder and the ideas they have to separate both economic and residential functions; such a division is intended to increase comfort levels and take advantage of the physical location of the housing unit.

A Motorbike and Bicycle Repair Shop

This is the case of a family whose self-trained householder repairs motorcycles and bikes. There has been a steep increase in the use of motorcycles over the last yearsas this mean of transportation has become more accessible to low-income users. This led to the emergence of a series of informal repair shops. In this case the main modification underwent by the housing unit was the construction of a roof over a section of the courtyard, even though the whole space is needed to perform such an activity. Likewise the washing place was turned into a work table that is not suitable for fuel treatment. In the words of the householder:

“… In order to perform our activity, we use an area covering from the side entrance to the back of the house, we are extending this dwelling, and we constructed this roof to park motorcycles …”

In this case, the most affected areas of the housing unit are the courtyard, the washing place and, in the event of expansion, the comfort level of the dwelling since natural illumination and ventilation may be altered by the development of such a home-based activity (figure 6).

Figure 6. The impact of the repair shop on residential functions

Source: Elaborated by the authors

A Kiosk

This last case refers to household members that were forced to modify their occupational lives. Prior to their arrival in Don Bosco, this family lived in a semi-rural way in an alluvial valley where they were involved in breeding horses for freight haulage and had a kioskand a freighting business. Today, as the result of the restrictions imposed by the Program which grants housing, they had to abandon their freight business. However they breed their animals in other area, for which they pay a monthly lease, and have set up a kiosk in the living/dining room of the new housing unit. For the moment this dwelling has not been modified; this means that the development of residential activities is affected by both the reduction of space and the overlapping of functions resulting from the operation of the kiosk within the housing unit (figure 7). According to the householder:

Figure 7. The Impact of the kiosk on residential functions

Source: Elaborated by the authors

“… We told them (those involved in the Program) how the other space was…before we had animals and run a kiosk…”

“… I do not feel comfortable here yet, this space is smaller, we are thinking of expanding this house, but we are raising money…”

Conclusions

According to the analysis of the Don Bosco neighborhood, an important number of household on low-incomes use their home not only as a place of residence but also for the development of informal economic activities. These home-based businesses may be seen as the products of survival strategies as they are intended to augment the small income of each household. In this sense the availability of extra types of income-producing activities —which range from formal jobs, engagement in low-paid public or private jobs or benefits from social security— should not be exclusively regarded as a means intended to ensure the covering the expenses of family reproduction but also as small assets that enable the development of complementary informal activities that increase household income.

The above is also true in the case of the housing units provided by the State. These dwellings, despite having minimum standards of habitability, do not only improve the housing conditions of families who used to live in precarious informal settlements but also contribute to the development of the activities discussed in this research. However there are some cases in which the characteristics of new dwellings and the regulations governing the access to these units demand the adoption of a different cultural system by the new occupants, which is not always easily achieved. Occupants have to abandon or adapt productive activities in which they were previously involved with the corresponding economic impact that this entails.

The access to this type of housing is regarded as a positive experience in the lives of a large number of household members, who feel satisfied with these new dwellings. However the superposing of economic activities in the homes affects the residential use and the habitability condition of these dwellings. Most of these units are adapted in order to perform informal activities through the restructuration or expansion of spaces intended for residential purposes. In most cases households were previously engaged in these activities or hoped to set up a business upon receiving a new housing unit. This suggests that these intentions could have been foreseen by the Program.

In general family groups have some ideas about the physical appearance of dwellings in terms of the distribution, use and dimension required to serve their needs and they are planning further modifications. However the adaptation of dwellings depends not only on the type of business activity but also on the economic capacity of households and their knowledge on the subject as they have no access to technical-public advice and do not ask for professional help on the matter. In this sense the characteristics of modifications depend on the experience and knowledge of users. This is why in most cases these physical alterations are poor in quality and affect the habitability conditions of new housing units. A large part of interviewed household members do not perceive problems with this issue and regard the mixture of labor and dwelling functions as a normal fact since they have lived under such a system their entire lives. They have no previous experience to understand the extent to which their quality of life and the comfort level of dwellings are affected by the overlapping of these functions.

Housing policies aimed at these social sectors should be aware of this reality in order to provide more comprehensive and targeted solutions to their needs. It would be desirable for the State to move forward in the design of policies intended to stimulate the creation of formal jobs that provide social security and adequate income, thus preventing people from engaging in complementary informal activities. However even though the State is working on the implementation of policies focused on the improvement and formalization of employment, this issue due to its size will still persist for a long time²⁶. This suggests that housing policies should be aware of this reality in order to provide tailored solutions to this problem.

The sectoral approach to housing promoted by housing policies does not provide answers to the development of multiple and changing survival activities. It is not possible to think of low-income housing as a system intended exclusively for dwelling purposes; these units should also be regarded as structures that are constantly altered by their owners on the basis of specific productive activities.

In order to arrive at a satisfactory response, the whole set of factors that impact on the needs of these households should be thoroughly analyzed. This exercise includes avoiding thinking of housing as a unit intended exclusively for dwelling purposes; particularly in the case of those families who are waiting to be granted housing in order develop home-based informal activities. In this sense owning a space dedicated for the development of economic activities that enable the reproduction of life is as important as owning a property.

This analysis suggests the following recommendations:

Suggestions at housing policy level:

• Identify and analyze the informality issue across a range of urban and territorial contexts, especially within the context of the impact of home-based informal activities on the dwellings and habitat of low-income segments.

• Create spaces for the convergence of research from within different academic fields and experimental practices. The spirit of this initiative is to review the traditional paradigm related to the solution of housing needs and address the multidimensionality of the housing issue in low-income segments.

These recommendations may be implemented within the framework of the Innovative Argentina 2020: National Plan Science, Technology and Innovation, developed by the Ministry of Science, Technology and Productive Innovation in 2012, which is intended to create a bridge between productive and academic spheres.

Suggestions at housing program level:

• Generate comprehensive programs specifically designed to deal with this kind of issue, solve housing needs and address the different dimensions affecting decent housing.

• Consider the establishment of community spaces at neighborhood level (markets) intended for both the development of this type of economic activity and the training of those involved in informal businesses. The goal is to integrate these individuals into formal economy activities on a gradual basis.

• Conduct follow-up of delivered housing units and provide constant advice to dwellers on all matters related tomodifications and alterations.

These suggestions may be implemented through the design of comprehensive municipal interventions intended to articulate housing, environmental, urban and social economy programs; these initiatives should be implemented on an independent and sectoral basis. Likewise, these action plans should be methodologically prepared according to strategic guidelines and include the participation of the civil society.

Suggestions at housing project level:

• Flexibility in the design of housing units; this involves the functional distribution of dwellings and the inclusion of working areas in order to preserve private life.

• Include the participation of householders in the definition of housing needs.

• The developmentof a comprehensive approach to the resolution of housing needs and ignore the sectoral paradigm that relates these requirements to the provision of standardized dwellings. Such an approach should be based on the assumption that the housing unit is a complex system intended to solve different types of needs. In this context, dwellings are regarded both as reproductive and productive units.

The goal of the above suggestions is to change the traditional standardized and economy-focused design of dwellings promoted by housing policies and private government contractors. These recommendations may be implemented through the articulation of housing policies and the academic field and the creation of spaces for experimentation and innovation within the context of housing and social habitat.

Figure 8. Summary of Cases Analyzed

Source: Elaborated by the authors according to data collected from field research

Notes

¹ This paper is part of the research fellowship “Social Housing and Survival Skills. A Case Study in AMGR”, which is framed within the research project “Quantification and Classification of Poor Urban Areas for the Comprehensive Integration of Social Habitat in Greater Resistencia” PI 12SC01, Northeast National University (2013-2016).

⁵ Informal economy involves unregulated economic and work activities. This is one of the main causes of job insecurity and poverty. For further details on the definition, theory and policies on informal economy please refer to Chen (2012).

⁶ Coraggio, 2007, p. 163-194.

⁷ In some geographical contexts, such as in the case of northern Argentina —which concentrates migratory inflows from poor rural areas to peri-urban areas—, it is possible to identify popular economy practices focused on the basic reproduction of life rather than on income generation.

⁸ Portes and Haller, 2004, p. 11.

⁹ Bertranou and Casanova, 2013, p. 29-30.

¹⁰ Ibíd., p. 141-143.

¹¹ Jelin, Mercado and Wyczykier, 1998, p. 1.

¹² Cariola, 1992.

¹³ Hintze, 1989, 2004, p. 3.

¹⁴ Le Corbusier, 1986.

¹⁵ Lefebvre, 1971.

¹⁶ Jacob, 1973.

¹⁷ Barreto and Alcalá, 2008.

¹⁸ Barreto, 2012.

¹⁹ Salas, 2007.

²⁰ The UN indicates that decent housing should meet the following minimum requirements: secure tenure, availability of services, materials, facilities and infrastructure, affordability, habitability, accessibility, location and cultural adaptation (UN, 2010).

²¹ Articles 14 and 14 bis of the Argentinean National Constitution refer to “the right to decent housing” and the “faculty to use and dispose of it”.

²² Barreto, 2008.

²³ For further details on the concept of “decent habitat”, please refer to Barreto, 2010.

²⁴ The first observation stage of this research showed that 20 out of 78 households developed home-based economic activities. Four of these 20 households were selected for further in-depth interviews.

²⁵ In Argentina, delicatessen shops sell takeaway food, especially roasted food, cheeses and cold cuts.

²⁶ The government has just enacted a law intended to promote formal labor and solve the problems of microbusinesses whose workers are not enrolled in the social security system. This law is expected to reduce informal labor rates from 33 to 28 percent within a two-year period through the regularization of 600,000 informal workers.

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Received: 05-06-2014

Accepted: 20-01-2015