doi 10.4067/S0718-83582011000100002

Social housing and spatial segregation in the city of Pucón, Chile: between confinement and integration with tourist habitat¹

Hugo Marcelo Zunino²; Rodrigo Hidalgo Dattwyler³; Esteban Marquardt Zapata⁴

² Chile. Ph.D. in Geography and Regional Development, The University of Arizona; Geographer, Pontificia Universidad Católica de Chile. Academic, Universidad de la Frontera, Department of Social Sciences.

³ Chile. Ph.D. in Human Geography, Universidad de Barcelona; Geographer, Pontificia Universidad Católica de Chile. Academic, Pontificia Universidad Católica de Chile, Geography Department.

⁴ Chile. BA in Education, History and Geography Professor. Universidad de la Frontera.

Abstract

This paper explores the specific features of spatial segregation of social housing in Pucón, an elite tourist destination located in southern Chile. A survey applied to the 18% of families who inhabit the largest social housing complex ever built in recent years showed high levels of residential satisfaction, frequent commuting movements and a positive evaluation of the natural environment. The most severe problems faced by residents are unemployment during the winter, as well as the lack of urban amenities. Although the neighbors are not engaged in formal participation procedures, interviews conducted with community leaders allowed to infer that existing social organizations are able to represent the local government the problems faced by the community and press for solutions. These elements suggest that the construction of social housing complexes near tourist-oriented cities and towns constitutes an option to redefine the basic criteria for the allocation of social housing provided that three conditions are met: stable employment, strong community organizations and convenient mobility conditions to the core of the city life.

KEYWORDS: SEGREGATION; SOCIAL HOUSING; MOBILITY; SOCIAL POLICY.

Pucón: A Cosmopolitan and Segregated City

The City of Pucón, located in the Araucania Region, Chile, is a tourist and residential site with unique features. There are clear differences between winter and summer periods, just as it happens with most tourist sites in southern Chile. During the summer, tourist activity prevails and it has three non-exclusive modalities: (a) massive "sun and beach" tourism; (b) "special interest" tourism; and (c) elite tourism that focuses on recreational and leisure sites that offer services similar to those found on top class tourist centers. During summer, hotels are at full occupancy and there are problems regarding congestion, disorganized sale of "tourist packages" and illegal trade. Additionally, even the most absent minded person would acknowledge the cosmopolitan nature of the downtown. The large number of cafes and boutiques are a melting pot of languages and customs, giving life to an eclectic environment where shops and other urban spaces visited by tourists turn into exhibition places. During the day, in the center of tourist activity, the calm watchfulness of impeccably dressed police officers provides the sense of security and peacefulness. At night, the city takes a young and uncontrolled pace. Public and private security agents keep youngsters under control and there are few problems with the police. In this way, Pucón is a double-faced city especially designed for tourists.

During winter, there is a decrease in activity and population; however, the city does not lose its cosmopolitan nature. In fact, such a decrease is partly compensated by the growing migration of artists, families and individuals from different nationalities who are looking for natural places in order to live connected with nature, or, in some cases, to redefine their existence and develop new and alternative lifestyles⁵. These newcomers contribute to maintain a continuous economic activity throughout the year, as well as an incipient cultural dynamic, which is developed in cafes, events centers and private residences. In Pucón, contrary to what happens in summer, social and cultural life takes place silently during the winter, and those who visit the city for the first time, or for brief periods of time, find it difficult to understand local expressions⁶.

Along with the increase in tourist and residential activity, real estate business for residential use has increased as well. This kind of business includes land for "construction on request" and finished units. In the first modality, there is a large number of construction firms, ranging from those that offer "semi-industrialized houses", designed for middle and upper-middle income families, to those highly specialized firms in the field of design and construction that offer exclusive residences of high architectural and monetary value. The supply of finished units includes apartments located in the urban area and condominiums located in the rural area. Many of these firms are developing projects in the Metropolitan Area of Santiago, such as Fernández Wood and its "La Península" project, which offers exclusive services and amenities, including a golf course and a tennis court, trekking routes, private beaches, a spa, a sport-recreational complex and a school. All these residential modalities are open to those migrants who have settled in Pucón during the last years.

On the one hand, there is an idyllic site where elite tourists, a small but intellectually and financially influential group, people who are looking for new lifestyles and alternative artists coexist. On the other hand, in the peri-urban areas, away from the center of the tourist activity, there is a series of segregated social housing that present evident infrastuctural shortfalls. Although the town council is working to turn the city into a privileged place regarding infrastructure, amenities, and socio-economic composition, it cannot ignore the social problems that affect the poor population who live in the rural and peri-urban area of the city.

The figure 1 shows the 12 social housing complexes built between 1972 and 2006, it indicates the peripheral location trend of these complexes.

Figure 1. Location of Social Housing Built in Pucón, 1972-2006

Source: Author's elaboration based on information from the Municipalidad de Pucón, 2006 and Dirección de Obras Municipales, 2010.

By taking advantage of the low prices and the availability of vacant land, these complexes represent the way the Chilean State has tried to solve the shortage of housing in popular areas, concentrating poor people in specific places of the city and generating zones of exclusion and inequality. Social housing is a symbol of Chilean cities. The 1 and 2 show that, since 1980, residential complexes built by the State have been located in the limits of the town center. These buildings continue to spread and, in some occasions, lead the growth of the city, increasing the non-solvent demand for housing that should be tackled by the State. However, unlike major cities, if these spaces are properly provided with amenities in terms of coverage and services, they could contribute directly to the development of the essential axes that sustain communal life and the economic production of space.

Figure 2. Urban sprawl in Pucón, 1983-2007

Source: Author's elaboration based on information from the Municipalidad de Pucón, 2006.

Consequently, in spite of its special characteristics, Pucón is not exempt from the spatial and residential dynamics of Chilean cities: high-rise or condominiums available for those who have access to the supply generated by the market and social housing for the non-solvent demand. How are social housing dwellers functionally related to the town center? Do they feel dissatisfied with living in their current places? Do they regard the relative closeness to better-off areas as an advantage or as a disadvantage? This article puts forth these questions and their solutions, which are essential to understand the way social and spatial dynamics are being carried out in Pucón.

The special feature of this research lies in the fact that most of Chilean literature on residential segregation and the territorial effects of housing policies is focused on both the socio-spatial consequences of the complexes built in the poor areas of large metropolises, and the formation of urban ghettos⁷, which, when located in the peri-urban area, generate the so-called "State-precariópolis⁸". Likewise, this article analyzes the context in which residential dynamics takes place; hence, this research, instead of proposing general solutions that may be replicated in different situations, suggests new guidelines for minor settlements that depend on tourist activity. This field of research is still unexplored and the results obtained offer guidance for redirecting social housing policies in Chilean towns and cities that have grown in population as a result of the increase in migration and tourist activity. This is the case of San Pedro de Atacama, Villarrica, Frutillar and Puerto Varas, among others⁹. To emphasize: the underlying argument of this research is that the socio-spatial cultural and economic context should be taken into special account, so that optimizing social housing interventions and thus improving the quality of life in deprived areas.

In this context, the social housing complex "Cordillera Alto" has been chosen as case study. This complex was built between 2001 and 2003 and it is located in the limits of the urban area, away from the center of the tourist activity; it is hidden for the common tourist. See figure 1. "Cordillera Alto" may be regarded as a "heterotopia"¹⁰, that is to say, a space that escapes from perceptibility, resulting in a "strange" zone when contrasted with the surrounding urban context. Political factors and the needs for rural population to have access to modern lifestyles gave birth to "Cordillera Alto".

This complex is part of the "Progressive Housing Program", which aims at providing basic housing units, not a finished house. Under this program, the State provides housing with basic habitability standards (a bathroom, a kitchen and a bedroom). The design of these houses allows further interventions so as to expand and separate the different spaces. "Cordillera Alto" is located in the south-west limit of the urban area of Pucón, this complex represents 30% of the 1,000 social housing built in Pucón. See Table 1.

Table 1. Social Housing Complexes Built in Pucón, 1972-2006

Source: Dirección de Obras Públicas, 2009.

The Progressive Housing Program for "Cordillera Alto" considered 28m2 housing and included a bathroom, a kitchen and a dining-living room; the following phases planned for the expansion of the bedroom. The construction of this complex was jointly carried out by the Ministry of Housing and Urban Development and the Municipality of Pucón. The Housing Committee, a community organization, was essential for the materialization of this project. Each family was required to have $250,000 (US$510) saving. About 50% of beneficiaries came from rural areas of Pucón¹¹.

In the following section, the methodology used for this research, and its purpose, is explained. The third part of this article analyzes recent literature contributions to the field of social and spatial effects of residential segregation. Likewise, the notion of residential satisfaction is studied; this concept has a long tradition in housing studies since the second half of the XXth century. The fourth section of this work analyzes the surveys and interviews results. The final section of this article, taking into consideration the particular context of Pucón, examines the critical factors for an effective social housing intervention in minor tourist-oriented settlements.

Methodology

In June 2010, the heads of households of "Cordillera Alto" were surveyed so as to know their level of integration in relation to the rest of the city, as well as their level of satisfaction with their housing and environment. This exercise surveyed the 18.5% of total households (291). Basically, this poll considered aspects such as: (a) level of education, (b) occupation, (c) family members, (d) satisfaction with the housing units and neighborhood, (e) daily mobility of dwellers in order to meet their basic needs (job, food and education).

The main aim of this survey was to identify the level of residential satisfaction. To do so, a scale from 1 to 10 was used, with 10 being the highest satisfaction. This method is known as the "Cantril Scale"¹². Even though this measurement pattern has been criticized because of the subjective answers that people provide¹³, it allows for capturing spontaneous perception of a homogeneous group. By taking such a restriction into consideration, this scale has been used in Chile by Figueroa and Larraín (1989) and Hidalgo and Zunino (1992) to assess satisfaction in central areas of Santiago. The results of the survey were in line with the initial hypothesis put forth by the researchers. In this way, while the Cantril Scale is not a sophisticated indicator, it provides a general overview of the life conditions of people who share cultural and social characteristics and have the same perception of the world.

This survey was tabulated in a double entry matrix and simple statistical indicators were used to interpret the results of the analysis. In order to validate the inferences of the researchers to explain situations which were not considered in the study, the results of this survey were compared with the opinion of five community leaders, through interviews, so as to examine and discuss the findings of this exercise. The survey and interviews generated the evidence that supports the results of this research. These methods are complementary, as the interviews were conducted after the tabulation and interpretation of survey results. Such interviews were used to define some results that were difficult to interpret and to clarify conflicts between some aspects of the survey and researchers' preconceptions.

In this way, this article combines a quantitative instrument (the survey) and a qualitative-interpretative approach. It is worth mentioning that, unlike positivist traditional approaches; this research does not intend to reach a disinterested scientific knowledge. It is clear that it is impossible to avoid subjectivity when a reality that is socially built from external evidence is analyzed. Although the conclusions of this article are not general, they can be applied in the context of this work and may be extrapolated to similar situations.

Socio-Territorial Effects of Residential Segregation in Chile

Residential segregation is the trend to spatial organization in zones with strong inner homogeneity and large social disparity. This situation means an unequal distribution of opportunities and benefits offered by contemporary society¹⁴. Residential segregation has been associated with negative socio-territorial effects, such as the generation of zones that concentrate poverty, crime and deprivation of opportunities.

In Chile, studies about segregation are mostly focused on Santiago, the capital of the country. According to De Mattos (1999, 2002, 2010), restructuration processes and globalization have consolidated a polarized and segregated metropolitan social structure. This fact has increased the trend to concentrate poor people and rich people in separated areas. Such transformations can be interpreted as the culmination of trends and phenomena that are specific to the process of capitalist urban construction. During the last years, one of the effects of economic liberalization and deregulation was the emergence of a capitalist logic regarding metropolitan production and reproduction. As stated by the same author (2010), the economic openness that took place in the mid 70s displaced urban proposals, as well as rationalist and normative urban planning, consolidating a strictly capitalist logic in metropolitan development. Such logic took a dominant role in the early 80s.

A series of studies carried out in Chile, such as Brain et al. (2007), Brain and Sabatini (2006) and Rodríguez and Sugranyes (2004, 2005), show that, apart from the fact that social segregation has increased during the last 30 years "a phenomenon caused by the construction of large social housing neighborhoods located in the peri-urban areas of Chilean cities-, vast urban ghettos have emerged characterized by the absence of amenities, preventing people from satisfying needs different from that of the house. For researchers, this fact has increased the intensity and the level of despair of those benefited from social housing programs. As a consequence, these urban dwellers have to face social pathologies such as crime, drug trafficking, elevatedschool drop-out rate, and insecurity, among others. In this line, Arriagada (2000) points out that those socially excluded tend to reproduce poverty, falling into a vicious circle in which poverty generates more poverty. Regarding the advantages that localization gives, if people in need live in places with proper amenities, then their quality of life would improve; however, when there is a long distance between urban dwellers and the services provided by centrality, there is a problem of "State-precariópolis". This issue is characterized by the precariousness of urban services (electricity and drinking water). In these places, people live in housing units smaller than 45m2 of gross floor area and away from other social groups, amenities and basic and non-basic services, such as schools, health centers, recreational areas, trade centers, among others.¹⁵

This situation is a reflection of what occurs in major Chilean cities and corresponds to findings observed in Santiago. During the last decade, there has been an increase in the efforts to study social segregation in intermediate Chilean cities, which are generally regional or provincial capitals. This is the case of research carried out by Azocar et al. (2008), Díaz (2005), Garín et al. (2009), and Toledo et al. (2000), among other, are important contributions. These studies tend to replicate the way residential segregation is addressed in major metropolitan areas, reaching the same conclusions. This is the case of housing policies, which are regarded as one of the main causes of residential segregation.

In this context, in which the scale of the analysis is reduced from a metropolitan, regional or provincial one to that of a "minor city" (a city with 15,000-30,000 inhabitants), this article focuses more on analyzing geographical features than on providing general information. Given the social, economic, demographic and cultural characteristics of Pucón (21,107 inhabitants in 2002 [INE, 2002]), this case offers the possibility to study singularities, as well as different and unexplored topics. There is a clear awareness of the effects of structural factors, for which social housing policies promoted by the State are one of its expressions. These policies have socio-territorial consequences on different geographic scales. Pucón is not an exemption, this article acknowledges economic liberalization, in general, and land market, in particular, as the factors that define territorial configuration. The localization of "Cordillera Alto" in the peri-urban area, close to undesired uses, such as micro-garbage dumps, and away from the center of tourist and cultural activity, is an element that reduces land value and turns social housing business into a profitable activity. In addition, the status of Pucón as an elite destination, increases market discrimination to the point that "Cordillera Alto", regarding geographic continuity and connectivity, is not part of the city. One of the questions that arises is whether "Cordillera Alto" is effectively located in a peri-urban area, or is an isolated urban space. Pictures 1 and 2 show the precarious access to "Cordillera Alto". It is an unsurfaced road that makes pedestrian access difficult, especially in winter.

Pictures 1 and 2. Access and Houses of "Cordillera Alto"

Source: Authors' collection, April 2009.

Under these conditions, the notion of satisfaction is complex and difficult to measure, quantitatively speaking. On the one hand, "satisfaction" involves a series of variables that depend on people's convictions, interpretations, and emotions. On the other hand, there is a concrete dimension related to variables such as habitability conditions, security and proper distribution of urban infrastructure and amenities. According to De la Puente et al. (1990), satisfaction is linked with a sense of pleasure or displeasure that a person experiences when facing a determined situation; it includes cognitive and emotional elements, as well as action trends. Likewise, Rojo et al. (2001), links residential satisfaction with quality of life, a concept that has subjective and objective dimensions. For these authors, the place of residence is the symbol of tangible and intangible quality of life, as the place where immediate needs are met, affecting mental and physical health. In line with this description, Amérigo (1995) states that residential satisfaction is a subjective social indicator that captures the relation of conformity of an individual with his immediate environment, that is to say, the house and the neighborhood. Material conditions apart, the variables that determine residential satisfaction are built around individual's aspirations; these desires, which change over time, are conditioned by the social group this person belongs to. For low income groups, residential satisfaction is mostly linked with the relation they have with their neighborhood, and to a lesser degree, with the quality of the residence. Therefore, aspects such as a pleasant environment, stable social relations and a privileged natural space may transcend the importance of the physical elements of the house.

The place of residence defines how the individual relates with his environment and it is the central space where friendship, intimate relations and leisure activities take place. In addition, the space, and characteristics, of the place of residence are a strategic factor to develop communal links and relations that are useful to give shape to what Putnam (1983) defined as social capital. Social capital is a strategic element for collective action and defense of common interests. Then, residential satisfaction is the result of a balance between the objective and subjective needs of population and the personal evaluation of the way those needs are met. In specialized literature, there is no agreement on what variables should be used to measure residential satisfaction. Several authors highlight the importance of aspects related to the localization of the house and the possibilities the environment gives to meet immediate needs¹⁶. Although it is impossible to avoid subjective answers when measuring the level of satisfaction, standardized methods can be used to interpret the levels of residential satisfaction. In order to estimate this dimension, this research used the Cantril Scale, along a series of variables that explain the different satisfaction levels measured. Taking the limited nature of this indicator into account, five interviews with five community leaders were conducted to interpret the different levels of satisfaction.

The rest of this article addresses how these urban dwellers live, the way they relate with their environment and their level of residential satisfaction. In the first analysis, researchers expected to find a series of negative effects associated with the location of "Cordillera Alto". Such effects are translated into low levels of residential satisfaction, addiction to drugs, insecurity and resentment, among others.

"Cordillera Alto" from the Perspective of its Dwellers

Description of the Sample

"Cordillera Alto" is a social housing complex that consists of 291 housing units built between 2001 and 2003. There were no unoccupied houses during the time this survey was conducted. This fact consolidates the residential nature of the complex. Fifty four heads of household, representing 18.5% of total households were polled. On average, each family is composed of 3.9; this sample surveyed the 4.8% of the total population of the complex (1,135 people), including minors. If underage people are excluded, 8-10% of total population was polled, and representativity of the sample is ensured. The place of origin of residents is homogeneously distributed among families that come from rural areas of the district, from the center of the city or from neighboring towns, especially Currarehue and Temuco.

Regarding education, 33% of residents finished secondary school and 26% of those polled finished primary school, while 7% have a technical diploma. The most common jobs include carpentry, bricklaying, plumbing and dress making (34%). As an initial estimation, there is a low income population that engages in activities related to small services. It is interesting to point out that more than 37% of those polled either use their houses as workshops, or have the tools and space to perform their activities. This element suggests that housing, apart from being the place where vital experiences take place; it is also the workplace of a large number of residents. This fact reinforces the role of the residence and the neighborhood as the elements that link daily life and the main variable with the level of satisfaction. The rest of those polled (63%) are wage-earners, most of them are taxi drivers or work as public officers. This group has to commute to their workplaces, located in the town center, on a daily basis.

Residential Satisfaction

In order to identify the level of satisfaction, this survey used the Cantril Scale, which asked people to rate, from 1 to 10, the level of welfare in relation to housing and environment. Marks greater or equal to 6 are regarded as positive, marks lower or equal to 4 are regarded as negative and marks between 4 and 6 identify an intermediate situation.

In relation to residential satisfaction, this survey scored 6.46. This suggests that there is a positive perception about the quality of housing and its role to meet vital needs. This situation is explained by the presence of an important number of manual workers (people who work in construction, painters and bricklayers) who are able to improve the quality of the house (as a reminder, this is a Progressive Housing Program). This inference is reinforced by the opinions of community leaders, who stated that the houses provided by the State in the early 90s, due to its small size, did not meet the needs of families, particularly those large in number. However, those surveyed said they were able to improve their houses according to their needs, whether by their own initiative or through municipal support. For these people, neighborhood construction involved hard work; this fact indicates that the dwellers of "Cordillera Alto" were able to organize themselves and laid the basis for the creation of an important and strategic social capital which brought clear benefits.

As far as satisfaction level with the environment is concerned, the sample scored 7.66; this surprising indicator suggests there is a high approval rate regarding the social and natural environment that surrounds people from "Cordillera Alto". In general terms, this indicator may be explained by the pleasant feeling of living in a privileged environment that enjoys unaltered nature and the closeness to the downtown, a tourist site with high standards for the Chilean case. All the interviews support this inference. For community leaders, the level of satisfaction is the result of two situations. The first one, in line with the improvement of houses, is related to the modification of the immediate environment, which involved the construction of squares, football pitches and sidewalks. The second one refers to the importance of the pleasing relation that exists among neighbors. Those polled expressed that most of neighbors know each other and that cooperation and help networks have been established around this relationship. These elements suggest the importance of the association and confidence links that have been built over time, which, in the words of Putnam (1983) are known as social capital.

Therefore, accumulated social capital may explain the high rates of residential satisfaction. In fact, there is a high level of participation in organizations. Thirty percent of respondents are actively engaged in communal associations. This is a high figure, considering the structural restrictions that exist in Chile for active citizen participation¹⁷. Interviewees stressed that an important number of residents have built solidarity and participation networks in topics related to collective welfare. The fact that the approval and construction process of the project lasted nine years explains the gradual consolidation of citizen organization. During this period, direct contact between dwellers and municipal officers allowed beneficiaries to know each other and learn about citizen participation. In this way, neighborhood organization was regarded and internalized as a responsibility to achieve the success of the initiative. The current organizational method is based on communal assemblies in which the board, aside from coordinating and channeling proposals, also informs about them. These assemblies are held every three months, depending on the level of urgency of the topics to discuss, and the average attendance is 30 people, a low figure compared to the number of families who live in "Cordillera Alto" (291). This situation should be specially taken into consideration because, on the one hand, there is a need to increase the levels of participation of both the population and public officers, and on the other hand, the opinions and achievements of people who take part in assemblies should be valued for the benefit of neighbors. Thus, behavior guidelines regarding citizen participation may be modified.

The community leaders stress the positive aspects of living in a city like Pucón, and the fact that the functional features of the city tend to minimize material deprivation, as well as the problems that this article seeks to analyze in the following sub-section. It is inferred that dwellers of "Cordillera Alto" do not feel they live in a ghetto, they consider themselves as part of the city of Pucón. This sense of belonging is supported by the fact that more than half of the population (59%) travel to the downtown on a daily basis, whether to work, buy basic items or enjoy the green areas of the city.

Situations-Problems

Based on a 1 to 10 scale, being 10 the most severe problem, and considering 15 variables, this survey assessed the difficulties people from "Cordillera Alto" face. The main problem was the lack of communal amenities, which averaged 7.29. The dwellers of "Cordillera Alto" only have a small playground in an evident state of deterioration and a nursery that is used for other purposes (warehouse and neighborhood assemblies). Those interviewed expressed that the most urgent need is the construction of a well-equipped multipurpose pitch that would prevent children from playing on the streets. Another problem situation is the high amount of money dwellers pay to go to downtown Pucón. According to the respondents, the average expenditure for transport is U$ 40 a month. This expenditure is not determined by the cost of a single trip (U$ 0.7 by travelling on collective taxi), but by the number of times people have to travel to the downtown area of the city. In this way, the 90% of dwellers purchase essential items preferably in the downtown. In addition, 50% of those polled said their closest friends and relatives live in the central area, increasing the need for travelling on a daily basis. It is also urgent the construction of a space to hold assemblies. The aspect that also got a high disapproval rate (5.8) was the lack of shops in the vicinity of "Cordillera Alto" existent stores offer a limited variety of basic products.

Likewise, 41% of dwellers considered that living near well off areas is a disadvantage, for the majority of people (44%), this fact is not of their concern; only 22% of dwellers regarded it as a disadvantage. This indifference is associated with high unemployment rate (35%); interviewees expressed that most of the employment generated by the tourist industry requires that applicants have completed secondary education, as well as a certificate. This is a clear disadvantage for people from "La Cordillera" who are looking for a job in a highly competitive labor market. For them, those engaged in retail benefit from tourist activity, especially in summer.

It is worth noting the negative perception of the neighbors regarding the effectiveness of the links with the town council. More than 75% of those surveyed said they have not been consulted about the development of their neighborhood and the formulation of territorial planning instruments. They also consider that the town council does not pay appropriate attention either to the neighbors or to the neighborhood. It is important to qualify this opinion, community leaders argued that, although there is no interest in participating in the elaboration of formal planning instruments, there is an interest in speaking with the town council so as to solve specific problems. They stress that, in order to have their say, initiatives should come from the community, with the population assuming the key role regarding communal development. The interviewees consider there is low municipal field presence. When it comes to making demands to the town council, community leaders have to send a letter, which is generally answered within a reasonable length of time. When the reply is not satisfactory, they insist by sending a modified request. There has never been the need for putting pressure on authorities. In addition, respondents said that bureaucracy and misdelivery are the reason of unanswered requests. They are also direct when declaring that relations have substantially improved under the current administration.

Therefore, while there is low participation in formal discussion about the territorial planning instruments that affect general levels (master plans or communal development plans), they have the people and the capacity to influence on determined actions. In this way, despite the acknowledgment of the efforts made by local authorities to improve habitability conditions during the last years, such initiatives are still insufficient. This background suggests the need for enhancing and consolidating participation channels, establishing formal bodies to address situations that affect the community, and reinforcing face to face interaction among community leaders and local authorities.

Concluding Considerations

This case produced useful results to inform about social housing policies in the context of a small tourist site. Evidence shows that not all State interventions regarding housing are considered negative. The perception of these interventions depends on important variables such as the environment in which the initiatives are materialized and the commitment level of beneficiaries with the urban-residential improvement plans. In effect, under certain circumstances, and unlike a series of research based on large or intermediate cities, socio-spatial segregation in a small tourist-oriented settlement may not be negative or the reason for pessimism regarding the place of residence. Despite the fact that socio-spatial segregation in Pucón is stronger than in metropolises or intermediate cities, the high levels of residential satisfaction are directly related to two main variables: high appreciation of the environment (natural and constructed) and the presence of considerable levels of social capital.

In relation to the first variable, the environment of minor tourist-oriented settlements may be beautiful and attractive as long as residents have immediate contact with the non-urban space that surrounds them and have access to properly equipped areas of the city. In large cities, residents of social housing remain isolated in their neighborhoods and have few chances to interact with the rest of the city and the natural and rural environment. In this way, while in some cities the quality of houses is of utmost importance for people, given the limited external contact and the long time people stay in them; in minor settlements housing is the place that mediates between environment and individuality, which is why the quality of the house is compensated by the features of the environment. Actually, for the dwellers of "Cordillera Alto", the lush vegetation and proper amenities and structural levels of Pucón are variables that compensate the quality of the housing.

This last point reveals the importance of social capital. According to the residents of "Cordillera Alto", the possibility to secure housing in Pucón generated a strong relationship between the neighborhood and them. This relation turned into an effective collective action with local authorities; however, residents consider that authorities did not act as urgent as they expected. These elements contributed to generate a strong sense of belonging. As a result, neighbors created opportunities for discussion so as to maintain social interaction and improve the place of residence. Additionally, the complementarity of residents' activities strengthened associative links, as it combined teamwork and the improvement of the immediate space.

In the light of these considerations, it is inferred that the establishment of people in minor tourist- oriented cities may be an alternative to redirect social policies in terms of housing. However, this article shows that there are problems that should be taken into consideration. Firstly, the basis of the local economy should be strong enough to generate sustainable employment over the year at a reasonable distance from the place of residence. Job offers are important in tourist sites, presenting significant opportunities in tertiary sector. The key is to keep a relatively constant tourist activity throughout the year; this task does not depend only on people engaged in this activity, but also on public officers. Secondly, the construction and maintenance of social capital is an essential factor that local authorities should help to cultivate. Given the number of people involved, the construction of social capital is more feasible in minor settlements with dynamic local authorities willing to interact with people. Thirdly, daily mobility of dwellers of social housing complexes located in peri-urban areas is a key issue that should be addressed by authorities, since it is a critical problem for urban and social integration. Segregation has a clear objective dimension (separation among social sectors), but its negative effects can be minimized with proper connectivity and more economical means of transport. In this way, objective segregation is lessened through the mobility options the individual is provided with. This is an aspect that people from "Cordillera Alto" regard as critical and as a problem that needs to be solved.

Considering that the dwellers of "Cordillera Alto" have functional links with the City of Pucón, which result in high daily mobility between the place of residence and the downtown in order to have access to their workplaces, a supply of diversified goods and services and communal amenities, the "urban ghetto" concept -common in large cities- is far from being applied here. This situation does not mean that there is total integration. Inadequate connectivity and high transport costs are pressing issues for people.

This paper supports the idea of an equitable and socially just city; however, the concept of segregation does not involve pessimism about the localization of the place of residence, provided that work, social capital and mobility are taken into account. In order for this to happen, citizen participation "which has been eroded by technocracy and the weakening of civil society-, is required. While the case of Pucón may be considered as a geographic exception, the construction of social housing complexes in tourist-oriented cities and territories is an opportunity to improve the quality of life in poor areas.

Notes

¹ This paper is the partial result of the FONDECYT project 1100588 "Real Estate-Tourist Development in the Villarrica-Pucón Area between 1992 and 2010: Socio-Spatial Effects and Establishment of Power Relationships."
⁵ In traditional literature, this person is known as "amenity migrant", which is the individual who migrates according to the natural and cultural amenities of the destination area. These migrants are generally people with completed secondary education, in many cases with a university degree, and have good economic situation, which allows them to stay in places where job opportunities are scarce (Otero, 2006; González et al., 2009)
⁶ Territorial and cultural consequences of amenity migration in Pucón have been analyzed in Zunino e Hidalgo, 2010 and Zunino, 2011.
⁷ Brain and Sabatini, 2006; Brain et al., 2007; Rodríguez and Sugranyes, 2004; Rodríguez and Sugranyes, 2005.
⁸ Portmanteau of the words "precarious" and "metropolis".Translator's note. Hidalgo, 2007.
⁹ Authors are currently working on the socio-spatial consequences of social housing policies in different tourist sites located in different regions of Chile. The first results are expected in 2012.
¹⁰ The term "heterotopia" was coined by Michel Foucault (1986) to refer to a singular space that is weakly related to the immediate territory and remains in a non-hegemonic state and situation; it is a space outside the spatial surrounding context. Prisons, hospitals and ceremonial centers are examples of heterotopias.
¹¹ Based on information from the Department of Public Works, 2010.
¹² Cantril, 1965.
¹³ See Díez and Torregrosa, 1967.
¹⁴ Castells, 1996; Linares and Lan, 2007.
¹⁵ Hidalgo, 2007, p. 72.
¹⁶ See Hidalgo and Zunino, 1992; Figueroa and Larraín, 1989, Toro et al., 2003.
¹⁷ See Zunino, 2006; Zunino and Hidalgo, 2009.

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Received: 08.09.10
Accepted: 21.03.11